Glad to have my contribution published as part of the new Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung publication series where my coauthors and I argue the influence of political culture in the Western Balkans to help explain failure in achieving goals of liberal democracy and offer recommendations for future.
In my text I focus on how to discuss political culture with university students and to overcome common misconceptions on what political culture means.
You can find the publication linked here.
This has been a long time coming. I am glad to have been part of this cross-country, regional initiative to map attitudes and experiences of young people in the European semi-periphery. Especially the section on political attitudes is worth a read.
The research was headed by the Friedrich Ebert Stiftung. It included over 10.000 respondents aged between 14 and 29 in ten countries. These are: Albania, Bosnia and Herzegowina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, North Macedonia, Montenegro, Romania, Serbia and Slovenia.
All reports are available online under: https://www.fes.de/jugendstudien-suedosteuropa/
Also, a recent article published in the German daily Zeit deals with the main findings of the studies (in German): https://www.zeit.de/politik/ausland/2019-04/jugend-suedosteuropa-sozialstaat-autokratie-wachstum-eu-studie
My article “A mirror of the ethnic divide: Interest group pillarization and elite dominance in Bosnia and Herzegovina” has been published in the Journal of Public Affairs in early view. The print verions will come out in a few months (as v19.n2). It is part of a special issue on public affairs and interest groups in the contemporary Balkans, put together by Danica Fink-Hafner and Clive S. Thomas.
Here is the abstract:
To date, there is no comprehensive treatment of interests and interest groups in Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH). This article seeks to fill that gap. It does so by explaining that interest groups reflect the country’s complex political system with multiple levels of power sharing along societal cleavages. Political parties are the major power centers, and the link between ethnicity and party allegiance is most significant in defining the role of interest groups. The result is a pillarized (separate, intragroup) and bifurcated group system with 3 separate interest group subsystems with little interchange between them. This fragmentation has been challenged by international institutional organizations promoting multiethnic interests. Nevertheless, with the persistence of many informal interests, the group system is stymied in moving toward an integrated system, a development that is key to strengthening BiH’s consociational democracy.
CFP Diversity and Democratic Governance: Legacies of the Past, Present Challenges, and Future Directions? – deadline extended to 15 January 2019
Conference organised by the RC14 Politics and Ethnicity,
Jointly with RC13 Democratization in Comparative Perspective, RC28 Comparative Federalism and Multilevel Governance, RC44 Security, Conflict and Democratization, RC50 Politics of Language.
University of Sarajevo, 12–15 June 2019
This conference will bring together a number of IPSA research committees to examine the challenges building democratic state institutions, how legacies of the past inform the present and what impact this has for the future of democratic governance in ethnically diverse societies.
The conference will provide an opportunity to examine the role of local, national, regional, and international actors in the development of democracy, the accommodation of ethnic diversity, and the design of political institutions. We welcome contributions that focus on democratization and institutional design as open-ended processes driven by internal and/or external factors, including ethnicity, gender, class, religion, neoliberal economic development, and geopolitics. Papers that focus on the social, economic and legal legacies of the past and how they affect the future direction of politics in diverse settings are particularly welcome.
Given that the conference will be convened in Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina, two decades after the violent civil war that followed the break-up of Federal Yugoslavia, we particularly welcome proposals that reflect upon the Ottoman, Austro-Hungarian, and Yugoslav legacies of the past, the international peace-building efforts of the present, and the democratic reforms for the future of Bosnia and Herzegovina. We also welcome proposals that develop case studies or compare issues of peace-building, institutional design, and/or ethnic accommodation evident in other parts of the world.
Possible topics include but are not limited to:
· What role do structures of government, particular federal, power-sharing, power-dividing, and other forms of integration and accommodation, play today in confronting the diverse set of legacies of the past in individual countries, regions and/or globally?
· How do the changing cleavages of ethnic and cultural identities challenge perceptions of linear history and practices of governance in contemporary states?
· What are the benchmarks for democratic governance in diverse societies and how can such societies avoid processes of democratic retrenchment, particularly post-conflict?
· What impact does the global rise of populism have on political relations in ethnically diverse and democratizing states? What are the long-term effects of international intervention for liberal peacebuilding after violent conflicts, ethnic or otherwise?
· What is the impact of the legacies of inter-communal conflict on the prospects of political stability in postconflict democratizing states?
We invite proposals for individual paper contributions and/or panels that engage empirically, conceptually and normatively with these issues. We aim to feature the best of contemporary research on democratic transitions and institutional design, including new research by established academics as well as by early career scholars.
The confirmed keynote speaker is Professor Kanchan Chandra, New York University.
Proposals for papers should include contact details of the author(s), title and an abstract of no more than 200 words.
Panel proposals must include:
· A minimum of three papers and a maximum of four
· Contact details for all paper-givers, the discussant and chair
· Panel title and short description of panel (no more than 200 words)
· Individual paper titles and short abstract (no more than 100 words)
The final deadline for the electronic submission of paper and panel proposals is 15 January 2019. Notices of acceptance will be sent out the week of 10 February 2019. Proposals should be submitted online at: https://form.jotformeu.com/tagarin/sarajevo
All participants will be required to register for the conference. IPSA has implemented a new category of membership for citizens from low and lower-middle income countries; the list of eligible countries can be found here: https://www.ipsa.org/membership/individual/global_south_category. Please self-identify at the time of registration.
Early Bird Registration Fees (before 1 May 2019):
Faculty Rate: Non-member 100 €; Member 80 €; Member from Global South 60 €
Student Rate: Non-member 60 €; Member 50 €; Member from Global South 40€
Participants from Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as participants without presentation: 50€
After 1 May 2019, the student rate will be raised by 20 € and by 40 € for the remaining categories. The cost of the conference dinner is 35 € and should be paid at the time of registration.
The organizers will endeavor to provide a select pool of graduate students/early career academics with a bursary to partially cover travel expenses to Sarajevo. Please identify your eligibility and if you wish to be considered for the bursary at the time of your submission. The decision on the pool of recipients will be made in May 2019.
Organizing committee: Timofey Agarin, Queen’s University Belfast, UK; Allison McCulloch, Brandon University, Canada; Damir Kapidzic, University of Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
Inquiries can be directed to the organizers at: firstname.lastname@example.org
Stranački sustav Bosne i Hercegovine je kompleksan i sastoji se od više razina interakcije i međustranačkog natjecanja. Uzimajući u obzir politički relevantne društvene rascjepe često se govori da se svo međustranačko natjecanje odvija unutar etnički definiranih segmenata hrvatskih, srpskih, bošnjačkih (i multietničkih) stranaka, ali empirijski dokazi nedostaju. Analizom izbornih rezultata za Parlament Bosne i Hercegovine od 1996. do 2014. godine, te koristeći mjeru volatilnosti između stranačkih segmenata, dokazujem postojanje četiri (ili tri i pol) etnički definirana stranačka podsustava s gotovo nepostojećom prohodnosti glasača. Istovremeno postoji znatna volatilnost unutar ovih segmenata, što potvrđuje da se političko natjecanje u Bosni i Hercegovini odvija isključivo unutar četiri segmenta stranačkog sustava među strankama istog etničkog predznaka.
Kapidžić, D. (2017). Segmentirani stranački sustav Bosne i Hercegovine (The Segmented Party System of Bosnia and Herzegovina). Političke perspective, 7(1-2), 7–23. DOI:10.20901/pp.7.1-2.01
English title and abstract:
The Segmented Party System of Bosnia and Herzegovina
The party system of Bosnia and Herzegovina is complex and consists of several levels of interaction and party competition. Because of the politically relevant cleavages, researchers have claimed that party competition is centered withing the ethnically defined segments of Croat, Serb, Bosniak (and multiethnic) parties, but there has been no empirical evidence to back that claim. By analyzing election results for the Parliament of Bosnia and Herzegovina 1996–2014, and by measuring the volatility among party segments, the author identifies four (or three and a half) ethnically defined party subsystems with almost non-existent voter fluctuation among them. At the same time, there is a significant volatility within these segments. The empirical analysis confirms the claim that the political party competition in Bosnia and Herzegovina exists solely inside the four segments of the party system among parties with the same ethnic label.
A comparative study of crisis response, institutional coordination and black swans that I co-wrote with Dušan Pavlović and Gordan Bosanac has been published in the book Crisis Governance in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia. The Study of Floods in 2014 by Peter Lang. The entire study consists of a chapter and two appendices that complement each other, in addition to a policy brief available in english and in B/H/S.
Kapidžić, D., Pavlović D. & Bosanac, G. (2018). Crisis Response in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Serbia and Croatia. In: Džihić, V. & Solska, M. (Eds.), Crisis Governance in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia and Serbia. The Study of Floods in 2014 (pp.27–57). Oxford: Peter Lang.
My article on how public authority in Uganda is published in Peacebuilding. In it I argue that in hybrid governance contexts public authority relies on procedural forms of legitimisation that can best be conceptualised as ‘throughput legitimacy’ and results from repeatedly making decisions in inclusive and communally agreeable ways.
Access it here (there are still a few free copies), or contact me: https://www.tandfonline.com/eprint/xaBJp7zeP7zWqj5N4dYU/full
(2018) Public authority beyond hybrid governance: creating throughput legitimacy in Northern Uganda, Peacebuilding,
Abstract: Governance must be based on public authority that is considered legitimate within a society. This paper attempts to examine the process of how public authority is legitimised on the local level by looking at decision-making on the resolution of land conflict in the hybrid governance setting of Northern Uganda. It argues that public authority relies on procedural forms of legitimisation that can best be conceptualised as ‘throughput legitimacy’ and results from repeatedly making decisions in inclusive and communally agreeable ways. Public authority is identified as simultaneously shared and contested between (and among) formal and traditional authority, continuously re-created through daily local-level interactions. The process of mediation is especially found to have a positive impact on throughput legitimacy. Going beyond the focus on local vs. international and formal vs. traditional actors in hybrid governance, this research suggests that a stronger focus on legitimising processes can lead to a better understanding of public authority.
Keywords: Public authority, hybrid governance, throughput legitimacy, Northern Uganda
It’s book season! The chapter I wrote together with Nemanja Džuverović for the book Universities and Conflict finally made its way to my desk. Thanks to Juliet Millican for bringing this together.
If you want to read more on “Bridging the ‘International-Local Gap’ in Peacebuiling Through Academic Cooperation: The Balkan Master’s Program in Peace Studies” buy the book (link below), or contact me for a pre-print version.
This is one of the first books on the role of universities in conflict and peacebuilding. Check it out:
Enter promotional code FLR40 for a 20% discount (I don’t know until when it is valid).